Most Popular Articles
by admin / 5,481 Views
by yami / 3,404 Views
6 Places Girls Want You To Touch – Generally most of the men like to touch the breast, vag1na and butt of the women. But they are neglecting the other sensitive parts that induce women and give a lot of happy moments. If you touch these parts during the s3x or foreplay she will get in the mood and feel special.
Think no more of a women’s chasm, and search the erogenous spots that will get more excited to your lady. But most of the men doing this mistake is that they are goes directly for the women’s vag1na, breast or other private parts, without thinking about her other nine sensitive parts. So, if you would like to want your lady get into the s3xual mood, then stimulates her other body part. Here are some but important points where women want to be touched...
Hair: Men always attracting to their gorgeous looks, so only this reason women are very punctuate about her hairstylist look. Hair wash, color, cut and styling these processes may be quit stress reliever. Running your fingers smoothly through her hair this is a proper way to send tingles down her spine.
Collarbone is very s3xy part on women. So why not display your best for this beauty with touching and kissing? Pay absorption to this anatomy allotment while she’s still absolutely clothed, unbuttoning her shirt aloof abundant to acknowledge the clavicle and no further. You should come back on this part when the clothes have fully disappears as well to remind her of the anticipation it create when you started there.
Earlobes:Happy factor for your women will be touching, kissing and even lightly biting ear lobes. This delicate, smooth lobes are very sensitive and most of the girls go through for enjoy the sensation of having man lips on them. You should avoid jamming your tongue inside her ear, trying to do nibble around the outside her ear.Nape of her neck: When you go to the nape of her neck, stay there few minutes and place few kisses there. In ancient Japan, the women’s back neck was like as very attractive by men, so this is one of the few place not covered by any cloth. In trendy times, the nape of the neck is usually neglected in favor of a lot of obvious pleasure centers, however never underestimates the facility of mild touches and kisses from her hairline to her shouldersInner Thighs: Touching her abutting thighs after venturing into the vag1nal breadth will accomplish for an accomplished aggravate that is abiding to get her revved up. Use your easily and aperture to cuddle and kiss the abdomen of her thighs, accepting excruciatingly abutting to her ultimate amusement spot, but affairs aback afore activity all the way.Concentrating some amore on her abdomen is a abundant idea, however, you’ll accept to abide the appetite to blooper bottom-ward to her vag1na while you’re so close. Like affliction her close thighs, kissing and beating about her abd0men will accelerate her until she’s allurement for more. Prolong the awareness by abrogation the arena to focus on addition anatomy allotment for a while.
by yami / 3,121 Views
by admin / 2,291 Views
A 12 June clash between Eritrea and Ethiopia comes as the Horn of Africa’s two most implacable rivals face a crossroads.
As Asmara seeks ways out of its long isolation, and Addis Ababa seeks to maintain and expand its role on the global stage, they and their partners would be wise to turn this new outbreak of violence into an opportunity to seek a compromise settlement to their long-running border dispute. Otherwise the risk remains of sinking into a destructive new round of conflict in which both would lose.
Details are hazy and contested, but the fighting near the border town of Tserona appears to be the most serious conventional military engagement for some time. Despite the impression of a frozen conflict since the 1998-2000 war that killed an estimated 70,000 people, there have been at least eight significant flare-ups since 2011, often involving rebel groups sponsored by one or the other of the two belligerents. Indeed, one theory for the Tserona clash is that it is a response by Addis Ababa to an armed action by the Asmara-linked Ginbot 7 group in southern Ethiopia in May.
Still, Eritrea has not always been at daggers drawn with Ethiopia, from which it won independence in 1991, especially since both post-1991 governments were led by former rebel fronts that had (mostly) fought together during the 1970s and 1980s. Recent shifts in Eritrea and Ethiopia’s international and regional standing, and relative internal vulnerabilities, may offer opportunity to end the two-decades-long estrangement.
The international community has done very little to push for a resolution of the border issue since 2008, mostly because neither side has appeared to believe it is in their interest to pursue it.
Both sides actions’ have blocked international efforts to end the dispute, despite the Algiers Agreement of 2000 that ended hostilities with both parties’ agreement to binding international arbitration. The Ethiopia Eritrea Boundary Commission (EEBC) ruled in 2002 awarding gains to and extracting losses from both sides, but, in what proved the biggest obstacle to peace, awarding of the original trigger-point of Badme to Eritrea.
Ethiopia refused to implement the ruling without further consultations. Eritrea refused to talk before action on implementation. Faced with losing diplomatic good will in 2004, Ethiopia offered a “Five Point Plan” for negotiations and normalisation of relations; on justifiable legal grounds, but with less diplomatic finesse, Eritrea refused. In late 2007, after Ethiopia had ceased its cooperation with the EEBC, it declared a virtual demarcation and dissolved itself. In 2008, facing increasingly hostile Eritrean deployments in the Temporary Security Zone patrolled by the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), that too wound down operations.
Diplomats put the dispute on the back burner as other imperatives for regional peace and stability demanded attention, including the resolution of the Sudanese civil war, the Darfur conflict, the independence of South Sudan and attempts to reestablish formal government in Somalia. Nevertheless, Ethiopia and Eritrea’s rivalry has played a complicating role in all of these processes, crises and conflicts.
Even worse, Eritrea’s frustration toward what it perceived as the international system’s failure to pressure Ethiopia into implementing the 2002 border ruling led it to take unilateral initiatives to keep its rival on the back foot. This is reported to have included assistance to the Somalia’s Islamist extremist and al-Qaeda-affiliated Al-Shabaab. Global opinion soon branded Eritrea as a regional spoiler. The international community slapped on sanctions in 2009, included Eritrea in the United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea in 2010 and then established a United Nations Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights in 2014; its latest report condemning Eritrea’s “systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations” was published a week previous to the Tserona clash.
Asmara’s Wilderness Years
From 2009, Eritrea was regionally and diplomatically isolated by the sanctions regime, its own decision to “suspend” itself from East Africa’s regional peace and security organisation, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and its parallel absence until 2011 from the new African Union, based in the capital of its Ethiopian rival.
Internally, losses in the 1998-2000 war triggered a downward spiral. High-ranking officials who criticised the conduct of the war were incarcerated without trial and systemic internal repression became the norm. The country remained on a war footing and the already shaky economy nose-dived. Mandatory and prolonged national service (beyond the official eighteen months) for those aged between eighteen and 40 became an integral part of the state regulation of daily life.
President Isiais Afewerki, a guerrilla leader once lionised by international opinion, looked increasingly belligerent and autocratic in power, with ill-health doing little to improve his humour in public. A growing number of young people chose to leave in search of economic opportunity, as in the rest of the Horn. In Eritrea’s case, youth were particularly anxious to avoid national service and used well-developed paths for refugees and diaspora forged during the 30-year independence struggle..
BRIEFING | Eritrea: Ending the Exodus?
Ethiopia, meanwhile, was riding high. It had suffered a post-war political crisis which split the regime’s core Tigrayan People Liberation Front in 2001; disputed elections in 2005 that led to violent protest and repression; a pervasive closure of political space including restrictive legislation on non-governmental organisations. But Addis Ababa also managed to retain international support for its development agenda in support of the poor; its contribution to peacekeeping in the region; and robust action in Somalia that fit with the U.S.-led global “war on terror”.
Latterly, Addis Ababa also delivered impressive economic growth. In Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia had an international star, who, with an experienced diplomatic cadre, made sure national interests chimed with those of the international community. The country sustained this balancing act even after his death in 2012.
Eritrea’s luck turns
In the last few years, the pendulum has swung back in Eritrea’s favour, and – against expectations – the government has used the opportunity to regain status in the Horn that it had so completely lost to Ethiopia. Proof of support to Al-Shabaab has not been forthcoming for several years. While links with other rebel groups continue, they don’t threaten international interests. Most importantly, its dire economic isolation – despite continuing sanctions – has eased.
Revenues have been helped by the large Bisha mine, which began producing gold, silver, copper and zinc in 2011. But even though many hopes for self-reliance were staked on the new business, external factors were more important. The European Union and its member states, anxious to assist the regime in stemming the flow of migrants toward the Mediterranean, have offered renewed development assistance of €200 million in late 2015.
Then the Huthi-takeover of Yemen and the Saudi-led alliance to oust them suddenly made Eritrea’s long and adjacent Red Sea coast extremely strategic. Money that the president had periodically extracted from certain Gulf states was suddenly offered in greater quantities. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) reportedly spent hundreds of millions of dollars to lease the port of Assab, mothballed since the border-conflict ended its sole function as Ethiopia’s main entrepot. The leadership will feel vindicated that their strategic patience has paid off, and President Isiais, despite reports of emergency medical interventions abroad, survives as leader.
Ethiopia – at least compared with when Prime Minister Meles was the regional first among equals – is struggling to maintain the unqualified support of the international community. Though it continues to play a vital role in regional mediation and security – including in South Sudan and Somalia – and its economy is still viewed with admiration, the longstanding criticism of its dirigiste approach to economic development and intolerance for political opposition is increasingly heard.
Prime Minister Haile-Mariam Desalegn, who occasionally makes reformist noises and whose background as a non-Orthodox Christian from a small “southern” ethnic group is testament to Meles’s vision of a new Ethiopia, leads more collectively but without the intellectual fizz and decision of his mentor. The ruling party is unusually open about its internal disagreements, corruption is a growing problem, and drought and famine have returned.
Ethnic Oromo protests that began last November and rumbled on for several months were clumsily contained; they were only half-heartedly blamed on Eritrea, an allegation that no one really believed. Ethiopia’s well trained and armed military probably knows that delivering a decisive blow against Eritrea may fatally damage the regime and risk (another) complicated civil war on its doorstep. A policy of robust containment has been pursued instead, but that looks increasingly difficult to sustain.
Tserona’s Wake-up Call
Given the reversals of fortune, and Ethiopia’s regular warnings that it would take action against Eritrea if it perceived a threat, the Tserona incident should not have come as a surprise. That it should have alarmed domestic and international observers alike is recognition that this particular fault line is not dormant and that recent seismic shifts of the plates of regional power make it particularly unstable right now.
Ethiopia, despite slightly changed circumstances, still holds most of the military, economical and political cards. It will take (uncontested) the seat reserved for African states as a non-permanent member of the United Nations security council for 2017-18, meaning sanctions on Eritrea are unlikely to ease.
However the Tserona incident could also be a wake-up call that after a decade on the sidelines, the stalemate of no peace, no war is unsustainable. The regional and international context is shifting on both sides of the equation. Ethiopia’s enduring friends and Eritrea’s renewed acquaintances should once again try to find a new diplomatic track toward resolving the border issue.
by admin / 1,675 Views
1. The Spoon
Ah, the spoon: the most common position for all couples, especially for people married three-to-five years. According to psychiatrist Samuel Dunkell, "When a woman assumes the posterior position, it may indicate she is the more giving partner or that he needs special nurturing." The Spoon provides the most amount of contact with your partner, ensuring physically closeness. It's not necessarily erotic, instead, it's "a comforting, safe cocoon," says Shirley P. Glass, psychologist and martial therapist.
2. The Honeymoon Hug
The most intimate of sleeping positions. This less-common alternative to The Spoon tends to occur during periods where intense feelings are present, such as after lovemaking or the beginning of a relationship. Some couples maintain it throughout their relationship, but, according to Elizabeth Flynn Campbell, a New York psychotherapist, "[the couple] could be overly enmeshed, too dependent on each other to sleep apart."
3. Like Shingles (on a Roof)
This position denotes strong egos and a sense of entitlement, according to Samuel Dunkell, a position that tends to be quite popular. Normally, one partner is laying on their back while the other rests their head on the person's shoulder, making him or her a dependent, compliant partner. Shirley P. Glass notes "there's a high level of trust here," as this snuggling position has a "strengthening sense of comradeship and protection."
4. The Sweetheart's Cradle
A more amped up, intimate version of the above, The Sweetheart's Cradle has one person holding the other instead of having a head simply anchored on a shoulder. What you end up with is a very caring, nurturing, intimate position, creating a sense of protection and safeness.
5. Loosely Tethered
Remember when you first started dating or were married and there was a lot of physical closeness, even at the expense of your preferred sleeping position? As time goes on, though, people take this position, which is basically The Spoon with more distance. It signifies trust, allowing for more space and comfort without sacrificing affection. Ultimately, this position represents balance.
6. The Leg Hug
This position can really represent two things. First, it could mean that a couple isn't entirely comfortable showing physical affection, so it comes off as it "accidentally" happens, like a foot touched another one. Second, it can be the complete opposite. It could "suggest familiarity, comfort and a daring quality as well, almost like a secret code."
7. The Pursuit
This is basically spooning, but one person chases the other. Imagine that someone retreats to the other side of the bed with their back turned to you. The Pursuit is when you approach that person and spoon them. This, too, can mean two things. The resulting spoon, according to Samuel Dunkell, can be labelled as "illegal Spooning" because the person retreats and wants their space. Alternatively, the person distancing themselves wants to be pursued, which becomes an invitation or a game of cat and mouse. Yes, knowing which one you should do can be difficult, but that's part of being in a relationship, as you begin to learn your partner's body language.
8. Zen Style
This position is most prominent in a couple that has been together for quite sometime. As time goes on, there tends to be a need to re-establish independence and personal space, especially since closeness is established and not as exploratory. The Zen is a compromise between connectedness and independence, creating physical contact without clinging.
9. The Cliffhanger
This position is a lot like The Pursuit, but this time there's no chase, as the other person doesn't wait for it. It's basically like a "cliffhanger": you're left wondering what's happening. You'll begin to wonder whether there's something going wrong, why the person is withdrawing: Anger? Sadness? Resentment? This is when you have to analyze your significant other and see if that person really needs their space. Over time, they'll roll back. The alternative, according to redbook, is that your significant other is comfortable enough to know they'd rather get a comfortable night's sleep than snuggle and listen to your snoring.
10. The Crab
This is another potentially ambiguous sleeping position, one with multiple meanings. If you're currently going through a rough time in your relationship or have had some disagreements, this may be your or your partner's way of signifying that there are problems, creating a need and a way of pulling away from each other without acknowledging it. It could also mean that you're hurting. Just like how you change positions when you're sitting, you create new positions when you're in bed. Or, really, you or your partner could be creative sleepers.